Contrast of Modern Othello to Shakesperian Othello Essay Example

Contrast of Modern Othello to Shakesperian Othello Paper The strong influential themes of race and women in Shakespeare’s Othello are consistently portrayed in Jeoffery Sax’s contemporary film version of Othello, however the themes are greatly contrasted through the influential changes in society which undermine the values and purposes of these themes. The changes in values of these themes are expressed vividly in both accounts. It is evident throughout Shakespeare’s Othello that women are portrayed through the stereotypical stance of having a ‘lower status’ to men, as a males dominate society in nearly all aspects. Women were displayed as being promiscuous, untrustworthy, rash decision makers and generated a lack of intellect or understanding. Women were not respect but rather referred to as props who led less respectable lives to that of men. This is evident through out Shakespeare’s Othello as Desdemona is represented as the typical wife and Emilia is portrayed as the typical female servant. The first evidence of this is demonstrated in Act one where Barbantio, Desdemona’s father speaks out against Othello and Desdemona’s marriage, he expresses the notion of Desdemona being ‘bound to him for life and education’ and he expresses her as his own property and that he must own her until he gives her to a somewhat successful powerful white noble figure. We will write a custom essay sample on Contrast of Modern Othello to Shakesperian Othello specifically for you for only $16.38 $13.9/page Order now We will write a custom essay sample on Contrast of Modern Othello to Shakesperian Othello specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer We will write a custom essay sample on Contrast of Modern Othello to Shakesperian Othello specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer This expresses his stereotypical view of women within society and this is highly ironic due to the circumstances in which Desdemona is acting out of the typical character of women by diseaving her father and marrying a highly contrasted figure, being Othello, than her father has desired. The stereotypical circumstance for women in Elizabethan times states that women shall remain virgins until marriage and therefore must give their virginity to their husbands as a way of demonstrating the theory of being bound for life. This coincides with the past interpretation of Barbantio representing women as props and the ability to own them. The symbol of the handkerchief in Shakespeare’s Othello is a symbol of virginity as the handkerchief is dotted with red strawberries, which strongly suggests the bloodstains left on the sheets on a virgin’s wedding night. The handkerchief being a gift from Othello to Desdemona plays a significant role through Igao’s method of manipulation. By questioning Desdemona essence of virginity Iago is able to successfully portray Desdemona as how he feels women should be perceived. â€Å"In Venice they do let God see the pranks they dare not show their husbands. Their best conscience s not to leave’t undone, but keep’t unknown’. By alluding to God Shakespeare is ironically contrasting the purity of virginity to the defilement of promiscuous women. This is alluding to Iago’s consistent reflection of women as promiscuous whores. Othello says to Desdemona â€Å"come my dear love,/ The purchase made, the fruits are to ensue. / The profit’s yet to come ’tween me and you† This metaphorical comment seems to indicate the couple has not yet made their marriage official through the act of sex. The â€Å"purchase† is the wedding and the â€Å"fruits† are the sex. This is ironic for theoretically this implies Othello’s lack of control over Desdemona for he does not yet own her through taking her virginity, this also alludes to the essence of promiscuity as she could have given her virginity to someone like Cassio which adds to Othello’s ability to be manipulated. However the metaphor could be suggesting Othello to already have taken her virginity by suggesting the â€Å"purchase† is Desdemona’s virginity. This could then suggest Othello’s unwillingness to account for his wrongdoing in unleashing her newly awakened sexuality. Emilia’s attitude to the roles of women in Elizabethan is strong and portrays an ironic sense of acting against traditions. Her views are strongly contrasted to that of Desdemona who’s attitude towards her own chasity at the end of the play represents her how males of the time would have expected of a women, however Emila expresses the ideal of looking for happiness else where and she argues that women should have a middle ground, she demonstrates a social stance in that women are humans with needs and desires rather than virgins and whores. She expresses this through the metaphor as man are â€Å"all but stomaches, and we are all but food. /They eat us hungrily, and when they are full, / They belch us† In Jeoffrey Sax’s film version of Othello women are portrayed in a different manner due to the changed in the role of women within society. Women have become more powerful, living lives with proper careers and the ability to choose their lovers for themselves. However similar to that of Elizabethan times women are still portrayed as promiscuous as they have gained the ability to have multiple partners, and it is no longer required to remain a virgin until marriage. The power of men over women however is still evident in the contemporary version and this is demonstrated in the opening silouqy of the film, through a close up shot of a dark male hand over a light female hand. This is a representation of the power of men in society and especially within this particular relationship. The two hands do not contain wedding rings which signify the change in attitude towards marriage, and the relationship between marriage and sex. These two figures are evidently unbound to each other for life but are engaging in sexual physical activities. The ownership of women is subtly expressed through Dessie’s stereotypical views of the power struggle between men and women in relation ships. â€Å"Isn’t that what happens between men and women, the men talk and the women listen† This generalised statement reflects the stereotypical nature of John and Dessie’s relationship and foreshadows the somewhat expected ending tragedy in which John fails to listen to Dessie resulting in her ironic death as a pure trustworthy wife. Through the metaphor â€Å"I am a blank sheet waiting for you to write your name on me† Demonstrates Dessie’s lack of power in the relationship resulting in her death. Dessie’s purity and stereotypical values of innocence within women is contrasted with that of Lulu’s interpretation of women within society. Lulu is far more courageous and promiscuous women when it comes to men and sex, however she is able to foreshadow Othello’s actions through the mere doubt she acquires for men in general. I used to shag people out of sheer politeness† represents Lulu’s ability to sleep with men without being in love with them. This demonstrates the power Lulu acquires to be independent of men as apposed to Dessie who completely gives herself to Othello. The stances in which Dessie and Lulu acquire within the contemporary version are very similar to that of Desdemona and Emilia in Shakespeare’s Othello. Jago in Sax’s version alludes dire ctly to Iago in Shakespeare’s version as his view of women related directly to the view of women in Elizabethen times. Women are the same, they like it more than we think they do†, through the use of sex as a tool for power and manipulation Jago is successfully able to manipulate John’s trust in Dessie by means of the robe as motif representing their sexual desires for one another. The robe is the modern version of the handkerchief as it is a representation of love and sex between John and Dessie, however in the modern version Dessie gives it to John which demonstrates the contemporary changes in values and interpretations of sexual desire. Through Dessie giving it to John and the mere misunderstanding of Dessie also giving to Michael Cass the reoccurring theme of a shift in the power of women is established. The representation of race within Shakespeare’s Othello is demonstrated very early on in the play as the audience is firstly introduced to him by means of conversation between two other parties in which they refer to him as the moor, the moor being someone of black appearance. In the opening scene the negative perception of Othello is portrayed by Iago and Roderigo as they accuse Othello of stealing Barbantio’s daughter. They directly refer to him as a â€Å"thief† and explain â€Å"Your daughter and the Moor , are now making the beasts with two backs† which allows the audience to refer to him as a devil character by directly associating Othello with animalistic qualities. Creating the imagery of Othello acquiring beast like qualities alludes to the prospect of his character enabling such savage qualities as the extremities of abduction and rape. The animalistic qualities are metaphorical for his race by means of a savage Moor. References to animals is evident throughout the play not only when referring to Othello himself, this represents a sense of the laws of nature rather than the laws of society which primarily govern the characters in the play. As the audience is properly introduced to the Moore, the image becomes clear in Othello’s nature of speech that he does not inherit any of the stereotypical characteristics of evil qualities depicted by Iago. In act 1 scene 3 through the use of figurative language the Duke declares quietly to Barbantio â€Å"Your son-in-law is far more fair than black†, this metaphor symbolises the way in which Othello inherits qualities of a white man’s honesty by the dramatic contrast between colours. This is an ironic representation of forshadowing as in the end of the play Othello becomes savage and monstrous as he is consumed by jealousy which contradicts the essence of his fair qualities. Later in the play when Othello starts to undermine Desdemona and his relationship by means of the manipulation tactics of Iago, he draws direct attention to his race â€Å"haply for I am black, and have not those soft parts of conversation that chambers have; or for I am declined into the vale of years – yet that’s not much – she’s gone† This is the first circumstance in which Othello himself has brought direct negative attention to his race, which demonstrates his lacking of confidence in which he so happily acquired at the beginning of the play. Comparing Shakespeare’s Othello to Jeoffery Sax’s film Othello it is obvious the importance of race is far less significant in Elizabethan times, which suggests race has become more of an issue in contemporary times. In Jeoffery Sax’s film Othello the significance of race plays a much more significant role as it seems to create tension within every situation throughout the film. This importance of race is so strong throughout the film and this is evident in the opening silouqy where a close up of a dark male hand is resting over a light female hand. This contrast between the pigments of skin types introduces the recurring theme of inequality within race in modern day society and the role the dark male hand plays within the relationship. Following the opening sililougy the audience is confronted with fast, handheld and diagetic shots of race riots. These shots are highly a contrasted juxtaposition with upper class white society in which the shots are slower and smoother. This suggests further inequality but through creating an image of the black race acting out in the negative sense as savage and uncontrollable. This is similar to the audiences first introduction to the Moore, in which Rodrigo and Iago are referring to him as savage and monstrous. The consistent presence of water within the film acts a recurring symbol or motif in which it represents the yin and yang, meaning opposites as black and white as water is the opposite to fire. This further suggests the consistent battle between black and white men and women in modern society. This relates to values and representations of race from both parties. If I could find any of them with their brains as big as their dicks† suggests the derogatory stereotypical views of black men from a white mans point of view. It symbolises the power of intellect in which the white men claim to have successfully achieved. This statement is highly ironic for during this time in the film John Othello is the only police officer who is using his ‘brain’ and attending to the issues of the street riots in which no other police officer has taken any initiative in resolving. This contradicts this statement through the actions of John Othello being a black police officer. As this statement is announced during a conversation in involving Jago it is interesting as later on in the film Jago declares to John â€Å"You cleaver big black bustard† which is suggesting John as gaining intellect or having a bigger ‘brain’ and therefore being of higher significance and importance. Following this Jago uses direct speech to the audience in which he displays a neurotic fit in which he describes John as a â€Å"patronising ape† the use of animalistic representation is portrayed similar to that of Shakespeare’s version in which it associates John’s race with the actions and qualities of animals through this extended metaphor. John Othello’s approach to the inequality between black and white men and women is suggested from a far less powerful stance in which he suggests his lack of power through his past desire to be white â€Å"Your people brought my people here to work as slaves†¦.. I wanted to be like you, wanted to be white†, this suggests his reclining stance in his pride of his race as he is slowly being extracted of his power. The direct accusation suggests the change in his character to primarily fit the stereotypical characteristics of a black man. This is similar to Shakespeare’s Othello in the evidence of jealousy turning Othello into the savage Moore he so longingly resented. The themes of race and women are strongly displayed in both accounts which suggest the inability of change over time between such different societies; however there are situations which within these themes that suggest a change in attitudes through the extent and position in which these themes are portrayed. The difference in the significance of race from Shakespearian times to modern times reflects the changes in society and how individuals relate to one another through appearance versus reality. The changes in attitudes to women have also changed significantly through the acceptance of women as human beings, enabling them to run their own lives and make their own decisions, the power for women in modern day society has developed so evidently. These as well as the similarities in times are magnificently demonstrated in both accounts.

Great Depression Essays (252 words) - Financial Crises, Free Essays

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Financial Crisis of the French Monarchy

Financial Crisis of the French Monarchy What was the nature of the financial crisis that faced the monarchy in 1789? The financial crisis of the French Monarchy during the 17th and 18th centuries has been an issue of controversy amongst historians, on one hand some historians do not consider the financial crisis to have been of great influence to the French revolution, whereas others believe that the financial crisis was a significant factor of the French revolution. Of the historians that believe the latter, there remains dispute over the nature of the financial crisis. There is somewhat of a classical interpretation, which maintains that the financial crisis was due to the system of taxation and privilege of France. This interpretation has been widely contested in recent years however, with a number of new factors coming to light. Historians such as Joel Felix, now speculate that the financial crisis was due to a vast number of factors such as, War, the governments policy of borrowing, finance ministers and the system of vested interest. In this essay I will examine each of these factors to deter mine what the nature of the financial crisis was, however it is my argument that despite these factors being important, evidence seems to suggest that it was nature in which the government handled the financing during the war that was the biggest contributing factor to the economic crisis. Firstly it is important to consider the crisis that the monarchy faced. In the 1780s it was suggested that the French government was burdened with a debt of 5 million livre, J. Brewer assessed that between the years of 1753 and 1764 the cost of the debt rose from 30% of ordinary revenue to 60% (Brewer, 1989). This debt was huge, however when considered against the history of the French Monarchy, which J. Bosher does in French Finances, there appears to have been deficits and debt burdens throughout, which did not amount to the financial crisis like that seen in 1789. For example Francois I began his reign with unresolved debt and borrowed heavily from Lyon bankers. Similarly Henri II ended his reign in a grand financial crisis; it seems on examination of the Bourbon monarchy, few had not struggled with finances and all had used emergency measures to control government finances. It is important, then, to understand that the situation that the French monarchy was in during the 17th and 18th century was different to the financial problems faced by previous monarchs but not new in its conception. With this in mind a clear evaluation can be made of the nature of the financial crisis of 1789. Firstly I will start with the classical interpretation that the financial crisis was caused largely by a system of taxation and privilege that drained money from the French people. Crucially the argument focuses upon the great tax burden. It was understood from this interpretation that because the first and second estates were exempt from taxation, the whole burden fell upon the third estate, and that these taxes were unusually high. There are several problems with this theory of tax burden upon the third estate as an explanation for the financial crisis. Firstly the Cahier de Dolances evidences that most complaints about taxation were concerned with the inequalities of the tax system as well as collection, complaints about tax burdens namely concerned seigneurial or feudal dues that did not contribute to the Kings annual revenue. Secondly a study by Peter Mathias and Patrick OBrien, which focused on respective tax rates of Britain and France, found that in fact the British were more heavily taxed then the French (Felix, 2006). This evidence suggests that the financial crisis did not come from a reaction to a tax burden. But what of privilege? It is clear that the system of privilege made the financial system of France unjust; also privilege was a crucial part of the ancien regime. Within this opinion it is argued that the privileged orders of France blocked reform methods that would have enabled the monarchy to receive more revenue and correct its huge deficits. It is true that there was opposition to tax reforms from the nobility, and example of this comes from the Parelments rejection of the third vingtieme, which led to Marion commenting, they only had self-interests at heart'[1]. This view point that the privileged sort to block reform to maintain their lifestyle is one that many classical historians attribute to the fall of the ancien regime, and it does enable one to link the issue of privilege to the issue of tax reform, but it does seem to be lacking in some crucial elements that need to be accounted for when evaluating the financial crisis. Firstly, the issue of privilege confuses taxation with finance as Joel Felix points out, it doesnt account for the lack of financial disclosure which caused the finance ministers difficulty in securing loans'[2]. Secondly, the argument that the privilege blocked reforms for selfish interest is destroyed by the Cahier de Dolances which shows that with rare exceptions the members of the nobility ha d unanimously expressed the desire to give up pecuniary privileges and become full'[3]. Thirdly, and probably the most damning criticism of this classical interpretation is that the clergy and nobility would have only added 32-36 million livres well below what was needed to balance the budget'[4]. It seems obvious then, that neither the tax burden nor the system of privilege can be attributed to the financial crisis of 1789, what needs to be considered is the system of taxation itself? It has been suggested that the labyrinth of taxes, franchises and laws amounted to the most powerful block of Monarchys desire to tax more equitably'[5]. The Crown relied on the service of intermediaries to manage. These agents were largely independent and often engaged in profit making enterprises. The financers controlled the borrowing process and had a vested interest in keeping the French finances the way they were. Not only would they lend money to the King at high interest rates, which I shall deal with later, but they took money away from the Kings revenue by charging to collect taxes. An example of this is the Farmers General, a collection of private entrepreneurs that made profit in collecting taxes, arranging payments and money transfers and lending to the Crown. Typically they made a profit of 10 25% or more of the revenue collected'[6] for the Crown, Darigrand suggested for this reason that there was no need for tax reform, just a means of recovering what was lost from collection'[7], he suggested that from 15,000 livre collected 3,000 was left for the Royal Treasury'[8]. Roussel also made this distinction and suggested that the defect of the current financial system was the inability to close the gap between what people paid in taxes and what the King received'[9]. Collection agents also strongly opposed the idea of French Bank system, The accountants, Farmers General and other financers would not tolerate a Central bank system because it would have cut down their profits'[10], which would have helped the French monarchy secure finance dramatically, I shall assess the consequence of this later on. Here it is necessary to make a comparison between Britain and France in terms of tax collection, which many historians such as White, Riley and Bosher, do when evaluating French finances. In Britain tax collection was in the hands of centrally appointed government officials, instead of the French system using independent tax collectors under the Farmers General, who were largely untrained and did not come under the control of the King. The British system was also largely centralised unlike the French system which varied according to region which made revenue policing and administration difficult (Brewer, 1989). It is clear that the tax system in France did contribute more than any other element considered so far to the financial crisis. Other than what I have considered already one of the most dramatic elements of the taxation system was the affect it had on public opinion. There was a deep sense of hatred for the Farmers General within French society, this coupled with the secrecy over French finances bread an attitude that considered the financial crisis to be a result of lavish spending of the government and poor management of finance, rather than other more important factors, J.Felix comes to this conclusion about the public, public who continually blamed the deficits on poor royal administration and expenditure of court rather than on cost of war and burden on privilege'[11]. Despite the damaging effect the taxation system had on French finances it should be considered that the Farmers General in reality took no greater percentage than any other tax collection agency of this period in history, with this considered it seems necessary to evaluate Louis XVI management of his finances and his contribution to the financial crisis. It was commented that France was not overburdened by taxes, but the political economy constrained the ability to finance state expenditure. By this I am not implying that the reason for the financial crisis was due to the Kings lavish spending at court, however the King did undertake in lavish spending in terms of Wars, and it is this which seems to be the most damaging factor concerning French finances. There are many issues to consider when looking at Frances involvement in wars. Many underestimate the impact of war on a countries economic situation, as war was often fought on foreign soil or at sea and is therefore less directly harmful to a kingdoms domestic economy'[12], however an in depth look at the nature at which the French government financed wars provides many answers in understanding the financial crisis. Some historians have said that the financial crisis was largely attributed to wars. The War of League of Augsburg 1688 91 and the War of Spanish Succession 1701-13 for example both occurred during the first 25 years of a cycle of economic depression which resulted in financial difficulties for the monarchy early on. Later in the 17th and 18th centuries three major wars contributed massively to a strain on the government finances. The war of Austrian Succession 1740-8, The Seven Years War 1756-63 and the American War 1778-83, overall the French were involved in 22 years of war compared with 21years peace'[13]. The costs of these wars were huge and resulted in a huge increase in government expenditure. An example of this is the War of Austrian succession in which expenditure exceeded normal income by 112million by 1748[14]. This resulted, as Joel Felix points out, in 8 years the government had to secure a sum of money that without war it would have taken 12years to collect'[15]. Obvio usly war increased the strain on government finance, but it was the governments handling of this that resulted in real financial crisis. The government relied on borrowing to finance these wars, especially in the 17th and 18th centuries, this resulted in numerous problems. The French system of undisclosed financial records and their lack of bank system meant that securing loans was difficult for financial ministers; the interest rates of loans grew according to the length of the war, accompanied by a general lack of confidence lenders had in the French finances. This meant that finance ministers had to offer higher interest rates and short term loans to lenders in order to generate enough revenue, for example Necker offered loans at rates between 6.5 9% (Felix, 2006). This system of lending meant that peacetime became dangerous territory in terms of French finances as they could no longer revenue higher taxes on the public but had large debts to pay off after the war. In respect of this, another issue comes to light, the French public who were already unsatisfied with the system of taxation were unwilling to an increase in taxes come peacetime, and also the need for immediate credit required to fight a war, meant that an increasing demand was put upon finance ministers to finance the war through credit. This is what finance minister Necker did with the American War. Although this solved the difficulty of increasing taxes it left the impression that it was not necessary to increase taxes to finance a war, which was further compounded when Necker published his Compte Rendu au Roi which showed a balanced budget neglecting to show the deficit caused by the war. The result of these measures taken by the French government to secure money for war was tha t it was increasingly incurring more debt without gaining an increase in revenue. Considering this it is again fitting to compare French finances with British finances, for in the same period of time Britain encountered 5 wars but enjoyed a system of adequate finance due to superior system of credit'[16], despite the fact that they too borrowed in order to finance war. There are several reasons for this; firstly the interest rates the British paid were far less than the French, at 3% (Bosher, 1970). This explains why; when Necker estimated the debt of 3,400,000,000 after the American war was equal to England he was wrong, as France was paying double the interest rate of Britain (Bosher, 1970). Secondly, the British had a different system in terms of administration and government control, and also a Bank, it left parliament in control of finances, giving them the control to raise taxes in order to suppress a deficit providing investment confidence. The same is true of its Bank system; it gave the British an effective way of raising funds. It is therefore understand able that Britain was preferable to France, as in Britain the debt was the states, whereas in France the debt was Royal (Bosher, 1970). By far the war had the most impact on the French finances; it pushed the deficit into a sum so large that it could not be counter-acted by increased taxation. It can therefore be used as an explanation of the financial crisis of 1789, but as I have demonstrated in this essay, it is not merely one factor that caused the financial crisis of 1789 but several. What needs to be considered is that it was not Frances involvement in wars that caused the financial crisis, but more the way the French government handled its finances. As can be seen the combined factors of the French keeping its financial details a secret from the public, the French borrowing at high rates, and the governments commitment to a system of privilege that seems to have formed the nature of the financial crisis. This conclusion of there being several factors that formed the nature of the financial crisis seems to have arisen fairly recently, one that modern historians draw upon more than old. J.C.Riley The Seven Years War and the Old Regime Page 212 Princeton University Press 1986 Joel Felix The Financial Origins of the French Revolution Page 44 Macmillian 2006 Joel Felix The Financial Origins of the French Revolution Page 45- Macmillian 2006 E.N. White The French Revolution and the Politics of Government Finance, 1770 -1815 Page 8 The Journal of Economic History, Vol. 55, No. 2 (Jun., 1995) Joel Felix The Financial Origins of the French Revolution Page 47 Macmillian 2006 J. Bosher French Finances Page 9 Cambridge University Press 1970 J.C.Riley- The Seven Years War and the Old Regime Page 204 Princeton University Press 1986 J.C.Riley The Seven Years War and the Old Regime Page 204 Princeton University Press 1986 J.C.Riley The Seven Years War and the Old Regime Page 194 Princeton University Press 1986 J.Bosher French Finances Page 17 Cambridge University Press 1970 J. Felix The Origins of the French Revolution page 60 Macmillian 2006 J.Felix The Origins of the French Revolution page 40 Macmillian 2006 J.Felix The Origins of the French Revolution page 40 Macmillian 2006 J.Felix The Origins of the French Revolution page 41 Macmillian 2006 J.Felix The Origins of the French Revolution page 41- Macmillian 2006 J.Bosher French Finances page 23 Cambridge University Press 1970

Abraham Lincoln :: essays research papers

Abraham Lincoln was born Feb. 12, 1809, in Hardin County, Kentucky. His parents were both born in Virginia. his mother, who died when he was ten years old, of a family of the name of Hanks. His father. Who moved from Kentucky to Indiana when he was eight years old. He said â€Å"It was a wild region, with many bears and other wild animals still in the woods. There I grew up.... Of course when I came of age I did not know much. Still somehow, I could read, write, and cipher ... but that was all." Lincoln made extraordinary efforts to attain knowledge while working on a farm, splitting rails for fences, and keeping a store at New Salem, Illinois. He was a captain in the Black Hawk War, spent eight years in the Illinois legislature, and rode the circuit of courts for many years. His law partner said of him, "His ambition was a little engine that knew no rest." He married Mary Todd, they had four children togather, only one of them lived to maturity, the rest died at an early age. In 1858 Lincoln ran against Stephen A. Douglas for Senator. He lost the election, but in debating with Douglas he gained a national reputation that won him the Republican nomination for President in 1860. As President, he built the Republican Party into a strong national organization. Further, he rallied most of the northern Democrats to the Union cause. On January 1, 1863, he issued the Emancipation Proclamation freed the slaves within the Confederacy. Lincoln never let the world forget that the Civil War involved an even larger issue. This he stated most movingly in dedicating the military cemetery at Gettysburg: "that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain--that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom--and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.